The Serb Adem Ljajic has been suspended from the Serbian National team for refusing to sing the Serbian national anthem at a pre-Euro friendly against Spain. A Muslim from the Sandzac region of Bosnia, Ljajic stated that he didn't join in for 'personal reasons'.
Like those of Bosnia, the Muslims of Sandzac are descended from those who converted to Islam during the Ottoman occupation. Sandzac is a region of Serbia; those born in the area are Serbs. Yet herein lies a complex relationship. Historically the Serbian Orthodox church has come to represent what it is to be Serbian. Although todays Serbs are about as church going as the British are, part of being a Serb is to be Orthodox. It is what defines them, sets them apart from the others in the region. The Sandzac Muslims are an historical anomoly; Serbian, but also Muslim. Many have left, driven away during the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s or searching for an area where they are in less of a minority.
The Serbian national anthem is, like most, fairly jingoistic, entreating God for protection and strengthening of the Serbian race. But even with only scant knowledge of Serb history it is easy to see whom the Serbs are hoping for protection from and victory against. Much of Serb history and subsequent mentality has been defined by the loss of the battle at Kosevo Polje in 1389 against the Turkish Ottoman Sultans. Serbian literature and epic poems celebrate their feats in battles against the Ottomans and, in the case of The Mountain Wreath, could be seen to call for the extermination of those who had converted to Islam. In nationalist Serb mentality to be Serb is to be standing firm against Islamic intrusions.
You can understand Ljajic's reluctance to sing but many Serbs won't. They are proud of their country and their heritage. But in much the same way that many English are surprised to find their anthem irritates the Scots by occasionally including the line 'rebellious Scots to crush', Serbs tend not to connect the Muslim enemies of their ancestors with their Muslim friends and neighbours.
But with the appointment of Siniša Mihajlović as manager of the Serbian national team in April 2012 the clash between Ljajic and the Serbian FA was almost inevitable. Mihajlovic, perceived by many to be at the more extreme end of Serb nationalism, was bought up on the Croatian side of the border of Serbia and Croatia, close to the ill-fated town of Vukovar. After the brutal seige of Vukovar came to an end his parents, aware of the atrocities committed against Serbs in the area in World War 2 and that their successful footballing son made them high profile Serbs in a Croat dominated area, arranged to leave, many believe they were spirited away by the notorious Serb paramilitary, Arkan. Mihajlovic's nationalist tendencies are understandable (Wilson, 2007). There is no doubt that he is passionate about Serbia and all he believes Serbia to stand for. He made it a requirement for the players to know the words to the national anthem when he became manager. His politics may seem distasteful to many in Western Europe but there are many in Serbia who feel like him; last weeks elections in Serbia saw a surprise victory for the nationalist politician Nikolic. What he has failed to do is to understand that not all Serbs have the same history, the same politics and the same ideals. There are differences between them, but that doesn't mean that they are not all Serbian.
Serbia is hardly the only country with this conflict. England regularly asks itself what does it mean to be English. The ban on Ljajic on playing again for his country until he sings this national anthem that represents neither him nor his identity, despite being Serbian, is an example of how Serbia struggles to manage tolerance of difference within itself.
